The annual value of the quarterly allowances paid directly to the national parties would equal the total number of votes received by a qualifying party in the previous election multiplied by $1.75 (Flanagan and Jansen 2009, 195-196). [...] If we sum the amounts in Tables 1 and 2, and so add the money raised from corporations, associations, and trade unions to the amount parties would have lost had the individual contribution limit been $5,000, the total comes to more than $68 million, almost half of which, ironically, would have been lost by the Liberals, the authors of Bill C-24. [...] A comparison of the figures in the last column of Tables 1 and 3 shows that, between 2004 and 2007, the Liberal Party received almost exactly the same amount as it had raised from corporations, unions, and individual contributions in excess of $5,000 in the previous four years (in inflation-adjusted dollars), and so has profited very little from the legislative changes. [...] The Progressive Conservatives did not offer a critique based on principle; instead, they suggested that implementation should be delayed for two years so that a new election could be held in the meantime, thus giving a more up-to-date basis for financial support of the parties.6 In the 2004 general election, the Conservative Party of Canada, into which the Alliance and Progressive Conservatives ha [...] The best-known model for such a system is the taxpayer check-off system used in the United States as part of the public funding of presidential primary and election campaigns.